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TIME: Almanac 1990
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1990 Time Magazine Compact Almanac, The (1991)(Time).iso
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022089
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02208900.036
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1990-09-17
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WORLD, Page 45America AbroadTrouble on the Home FrontBy Strobe Talbott
The most frequently uttered five syllables in Washington these
days are "bipartisanship." That tender word is part of the
vocabulary of the honeymoon between a new Congress and a new
Administration, especially when the pillow talk turns to foreign
policy. It is meant to conjure up the happy image of Republicans
and Democrats hand in hand at the water's edge. Actually, the word
is doubly misleading, both in its evocation of the distant past and
in its implications for the near future.
The brief heyday of bipartisanship was in the Truman years,
when a Democratic Administration enlisted the support of a
pre-World War II isolationist Republican, Senator Arthur
Vandenberg, in the postwar reconstruction of Europe. But Vandenberg
later joined in highly partisan attacks on the Democrats for
"losing" China and "letting" the Soviet Union acquire the atom
bomb.
Nor has disagreement between the Republicans and Democrats been
the principal obstacle to effective foreign policy in recent years.
Rather, the source of poison and paralysis has more often been
ideologically motivated obstructionism within each of the two
parties.
Jimmy Carter had far more difficulty with another Democrat,
the late Henry Jackson, than with most Republicans. Likewise,
Ronald Reagan's diplomatic appointees encountered more opposition
in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee from the G.O.P.'s own
Jesse Helms than from the soporifically temperate senior Democrat,
Claiborne Pell. In 1985 Helms held up the confirmation of Reagan's
Ambassador to China, Winston Lord, for more than three months,
preventing him from being at his post when then Vice President
George Bush visited Beijing.
Lord's main sin was that he had served as a close aide to Henry
Kissinger, whom Helms Republicans and Jackson Democrats will
forever blame for detente and SALT. Now that is bipartisanship.
For nearly a decade, Bush has been suppressing and denying his
own centrist roots. In an interview with TIME on the eve of his
Inauguration, Bush was asked whether he was a moderate. "No!" he
snapped, reacting to the label as though it were a synonym for
wimp. He protests too much, out of fear of the right. Helms & Co.
sense that fear and mean to play on it.
On the surface, Secretary of State James Baker's confirmation
hearings last month were a love feast. Helms exuded courtesy,
calling Baker "Secretary Jim." But the North Carolina Senator and
his allies used the occasion to declare themselves on some
potentially troublesome issues: Salvadoran rightist Roberto
D'Aubuisson may be an admirable patriot who has got a bum rap for
the death squads, and Winnie Mandela is a terrorist.
Meanwhile, Republican hard-liners have been sniping at the
appointments of a number of experienced middle-of-the-roaders,
particularly ones with Kissinger connections, such as Baker's
chosen deputy, Lawrence Eagleburger. Another target of opposition
has been Lord, whom Eagleburger wanted to be Assistant Secretary
for East Asia. And as a sop to the right, a former Helms protege,
Richard McCormack, got the job of Under Secretary for Economic
Affairs, instead of almost everyone's first choice, Robert Hormats,
a highly regarded international trade specialist.
Behind the talk of interparty cooperation, the lines are being
drawn for some nasty intraparty fights -- over personnel now and
policy later. The toughest test that Bush and Baker face on the
home front of their foreign policy will not be whether they are
able to sit down and compromise with the Democrats but whether they
are able to stand up to their fellow Republicans.